A review of Anthony Storr's Book "Solitude". 審查安東尼storr書中的"孤獨" 。 by BRIAN DAVEY 布萊恩達密 through tool： http://translate.google.com/translate?hl=zh-TW&sl=en&u=http://www.sharelynx.com/web/BDavey/Solitude.htm&sa=X&oi=translate&resnum=3&ct=result&prev=/search%3Fq%3DAnthony%2BStorr%2B%2BSolitude%26complete%3D1%26hl%3Dzh-TW%26sa%3DG by BRIAN DAVEY 布萊恩達密 through tool： Anthony Storr's book "Solitude" (HarperCollins 1994) is, for me, alternately stimulating and annoying. 安東尼storr書中的"孤獨" （哈珀柯林斯1994 ） ，對我來說，交替刺激和憤怒。 The ideas in his book, rearranged only slightly, provide an almost perfect analysis of the cause of madness and an explanation of much of its contents. 這個想法在他的書中，重新安排，只是輕微，提供了一個近乎完美的原因分析瘋了，並解釋了它的許多內容。
Isolation and Madness 孤立和瘋狂
http://www.google.com.tw/translate_t?hl=zh-TW
A review of Anthony Storr's Book "Solitude". 審查安東尼storr書中的"孤獨" 。
Isolation and Madness 孤立和瘋狂
http://www.google.com.tw/translate_t?hl=zh-TW
The original title of Storr's book was "The School of Genius" and his aim in writing it was to challenge the implicit assumption, so common in therapy, that success in relationships is the only key to happiness. 原標題storr的這本書"讀書的天才" ，而他的目標是在寫作，它是挑戰隱含的假設，所以常見於治療，能否成功地關係是唯一的關鍵，幸福。 Creativity and achievement can also provide satisfaction in life - and creativity often requires isolation from the distraction entailed in close human involvement. 創造力和成就，也能提供滿意的生活-和創造力，往往需要脫離分心，導致在接近人類的參與。 He shows that the capacity to be alone is valuable in a variety of circumstances - when it helps people to get in touch with their deepest feelings, in coming to terms with grief and loss; in sorting out their ideas and in the changing of attitudes. 他表明身份，以被孤立，是寶貴的，在多種情況下-的時候，它幫助人們取得聯繫，與他們的最深切感受，在來與悲痛和損失;整理自己的想法和在不斷變化的態度。 In a series of short biographies of artists, musicians, authors, philosophers, he shows that without long periods of isolation their achievements could scarcely have been possible. 在一連串的短傳畫家，音樂家，作家，哲學家，他表明，沒有長時間的隔離，他們的成就可以幾乎已是不可能的。 In many of these biographies there is a repeated pattern of miserable, lonely and/or persecuted childhoods of people who then made no intimate human relationship (but who were often regarded with affection by friends, not to mention the audiences of their work). 在許多這些傳記，有一個反复的格局可憐的，孤獨和/或迫害童年的人，當時並沒有親密的人際關係（但他們往往視之以情，由朋友，更遑論聽眾他們的工作） 。 It was through their work that these people found their salvation, repaired some of the hurt, found satisfaction in their achievement and creativity. 正是通過他們的工作，這些人發現自己的救贖，修復部分的傷害，找到滿意的，他們的成就和創造性。
But solitude is not always to be regarded positively. 但孤獨並不總是被視為積極的。 The chapter on "Enforced Isolation" is prefaced by a quote from Francis Bacon. 一章"被強迫隔離" ，是作序引述培根。 "The worse solitude is to be destitute of sincere friendship". "更糟的孤獨，是被窮困的真摯的友誼" 。 In this chapter Storr analyses the effects of solitude in conditions of solitary confinement, the psychological torture of political dissidents, sensory deprivation and the like. 在這一章中storr分析的影響，孤獨的情況下被隔離，心理上的折磨政治異議人士，感覺剝奪等。 In these cases the mental breakdowns that result are no different, though Storr does not say it, from the symptoms of schizophrenia - namely hallucinations, confusion, extreme anxiety, a lack of care about personal appearance and habits. 在這些情況下，心理細分這一結果並沒有什麼不同，雖然storr不說，從症狀的精神分裂症-即有幻覺，精神混亂，極端焦慮，缺乏關心個人的外表和習慣。
In this context phenomenon like hallucination become only too clear - cut off from external sensory stimuli there are only internal mental contents in the mind. 在此背景下的現象，如幻覺，成為唯一昭然若揭-切斷來自外部的感官刺激，也只有內部的心理內容在頭腦。 "During waking hours, the brain only functions efficiently if perceptual stimuli from the external world is being received. Our relationship to the environment and our understanding of it depend on the information we gain through our senses. When asleep, our perceptions of the external world are greatly reduced, although significant sounds, like those of a child, may still arouse us. We enter the fantastic world of dreams; an hallucinatory, subjective world which is not dependent on memory in the here and now, but which is governed by our previous experience, by our wishes, our fears and our hopes. " (pp49-50). "在醒來時，大腦的功能只能有效，如果感性刺激，從外部世界正在被接受的，我們的關係，我們的環境和資訊科技的認識在很大程度上依賴於信息，我們爭取通過我們的感官，當睡了，我們的知覺外部世界是大大降低了，雖然顯著的聲音，像一個小孩，仍可能引起我們，我們進入了夢幻般的世界的夢想，一個幻覺，改造主觀世界，是不依賴於記憶，在此時此地，但它是由我國以往的經驗，是我們的願望，我們的恐懼和我們的希望" （ pp49 - 50 ） 。 Of course in conditions of persecution the wishes, fears and hopes are likely to have an intensity of a horrific character and in so far as they are connected to the past they will be connected to childhood terrors of being very vulnerable. 當然，在條件受迫害的願望，恐懼和希望，有可能受到一種強度一場可怕的性格和在這麼遠，因為他們是連接過去，他們將連接童年恐怖的很脆弱。 The dream/hallucinatory process will be regressive because, as Storr relates in an earlier chapter, dreams can be understood as a means in which an emotionally significant effect in the past is related to a recent emotionally significant effect, matching past and present experience (pp24-25). 夢/幻覺進程將倒退，因為作為storr關乎在早先的一章，夢想可以被理解為一種手段，在這一個激情的顯著影響，在過去是與最近在感情上有重大影響，符合過去和現在的經驗（ pp24 -25 ） 。 (This closely parallels my own thinking in my article "Madness and Its Causative Contexts" in Changes: An International Journal of Psychology and Psychotherapy, June 1995). （此密切的平行線，我自己的思想，在我的文章"的瘋狂和其致病情境"的變化：一個國際期刊的心理學與心理治療， 1995年6月） 。
What is also interesting in this analysis is who survives and who does not. 什麼是也很有意思，在這個分析是，他們賴以生存的人卻不能。 Storr quotes Bruno Bettleheim's experience of a concentration camp "that the prisoners who gave up and died were those who had abandoned any attempt at personal autonomy; who acquiesced in their captors' aim of dehumanising and exercising total control over them" (p49). storr行情布魯諾bettleheim的經驗，一個集中營"的犯人放棄和死亡者已經放棄了任何嘗試在個人自主權;誰默許其捕獲'的目的dehumanising和行使總對他們進行控制" （ p49 ） 。
But what has all this to do with manic or schizophrenic psychosis? 但究竟這一切都離不開躁狂或精神分裂性精神病？ Most people who have developed severe 'mental illness' have not previously been imprisoned, politically persecuted or subjected to sensory deprivation experiments. 多數人有嚴重的'精神病' ，而以前被監禁，受政治迫害或遭受感覺剝奪實驗。 To me it seems obvious that solitude and sensory deprivation can occur in a host of other circumstances. 對我來說，似乎顯而易見的是孤獨和感覺剝奪可發生在東道國的其他情況。 In the family for example. 在家庭為榜樣。 It seems absurd to say that solitude and sensory deprivation can occur within a family - but not if you are the family black sheep constantly under pressure not to do this and to keep out of that. 它似乎是荒謬的說，孤獨和感覺剝奪可發生在一個家庭-但不是，如果你是家庭的害群之馬，在不斷的壓力下，不這樣做，並隨時出了這一點。 Psychiatrists Leff and Vaughan have made the basis of their Family Management Aproach for Schizophrenia an observation that in families with "schizohrenic" offspring the relationships tend to demonstrate "High Expressed Emotion". 精神科醫生leff和沃恩已按他們的家族管理aproach為精神分裂症的觀察，在家庭與" schizohrenic "後代的關係，往往表現出"高情感表達" 。 Also that parents tend to be over critical and over involved and their is a high amount of hostility around. 此外，家長往往會超過臨界及以上參與和他們的是高額的敵意左右。 They refuse to see this as an underlying cause because they want to hang onto their medical ideology that schizophrenia is genetically based - which gives the status and power to their profession with its long medical training. 他們拒絕看到這樣的一個根本原因，因為他們想坑上自己的醫療意識形態精神分裂症是遺傳基礎-賦予的權力和地位，以他們的專業與它長期的醫療訓練。 But what kind of a relationship is it where there is a large amount of hostility, where parents are over-involved and over-critical? 但是，是一種什麼樣的關係，是它有大量的敵意，而家長過多地干預和過度批判？ Is this not really using different words to describe a situation where someone has 'lost their autonomy' to others, where they are not allowed to be their own person and hence not allowed to develop their own personality. 這是不是真的用不同的詞來描述的情況下，有人已經'失去自治'給他人，他們是不容許被自己的人，因此不容許發展自己的個性。 Might it not mean being stuck in the same family routines, the same family ideas with any attempts to escape leading to the same old rows again and again until breakdown occurs when a young person gets terrified that they will never develop a life of their own, be allowed to have a mind of their own. 也許它並不意味著被卡在同一個家庭的套路，而同一家庭的理念與任何企圖逃跑，導致同樣的老行，一次又一次，直到破裂發生時，一位年輕的人得到驚恐的說，他們將永遠無法建立一個終身他們自己的，允許有一個銘記他們自己的。 Wouldn't this also count as the most profound solitude and a daily sensory deprivation? 不會，這也算為最深刻的孤獨和每日感官剝奪？ What happens if one can never do what one wants? 會發生什麼，如果不能做什麼都不想？ One suffers what becomes akin to sensory deprivation - one cannot find the stimulation of new relationships nor pursue new interests. 一個患有何種成為類似感覺剝奪-一個無法找到刺激各種新的關係，也不追求新的利益。 As I would put it one can be "institutionalised by one's own family". 正如我把它一個可以被"制度化的一個自己的家庭" 。 One would be imprisoned by one's own family and one's bedroom would become an isolation cell. 人會被監禁一個自己的家庭和一個人的臥室會成為一種隔離牢房。
Storr does not develop the argument in this direction. storr不發展的論點，在這個方向去做。 But isolation and sensory deprivation is not only imposed overtly and explicitly through unjust legal processes. 但是，孤立和被剝奪的感覺是，不僅公然地，明確地通過不公正的法律程序。 For many people isolation and sensory deprivation is the stuff of everyday life - they are sensorily deprived because they have no money for consumer purchases, they are sensorily deprived because they have no work, or their work of the most mind numbing and repetitive tedium; they are sensorily deprived because they live stacked in rectangular environments of grey concrete, peeled paint and glass and surrounded by grass; they are sensorily deprived because they are frightened to go out at night lest they get mugged by those who, in order to find at least some excitement and adventure, rob their neighbours at knifepoint. 對於很多人的分離和感官剝奪，是東西的日常生活-他們是s ensorily剝奪，因為他們沒有錢供消費者購買，他們是s ensorily剝奪，因為他們沒有工作，或者他們的工作，最介意麻木和重複t edium;是sensorily剝奪，因為他們住在堆放矩形環境中的灰色混凝土去皮，油漆和玻璃及四周的雜草;它們sensorily剝奪了，因為他們害怕出門，晚上以免他們搶劫得到那些，為了找到至少有些興奮與冒險，搶他們的鄰居用刀。
I recall in 1984 visiting someone who had been an inmate like myself in his new flat. 我記得在1984年來訪的人，已被一名犯人像我這樣在他的新單位。 He had just received a grant to paint it. 他剛剛收到了補助金，以油漆。 He also had two chairs, a Baby Belling Cooker, one saucepan, a plate and a cassette recorder. 他還貢獻了兩張椅子，一具嬰兒belling鍋，一個平底鍋，碟子和一部錄音機。 He had one tape which he played over and over again. 他有一個錄音帶，他的比賽，並再次改革。 He ate fish and chips and painted his flat white. 他吃了炸魚和薯條和描繪他的單位白人。 Not, of course, quite so much sensory deprivation as in a sensory deprivation experiment - but then a sensory deprivation experiment lasts at most a few hours. 當然，並非只有這麼多感官剝奪，因為在一個感覺剝奪實驗-但當時感覺剝奪實驗歷時最多幾個小時。 This was what this person had to look forward to for the rest of his life. 這是什麼，這個人不得不期待著為餘生。 If I recall correctly Wittgenstein was famous because he once lived in a virtually empty room painted white but then, as Storr shows, he found his salvation in intellectual production, in creative abstraction. 如果我沒有記錯的維特根斯坦是著名的，因為他曾經生活在一個幾乎空房間漆成白色，但隨後，由於storr表明，他找到了自己的救贖，在智力生產，在創作的抽象。 My acquaintance was no Wittgenstein. 我的熟人，沒有維特根斯坦。 Storr is at pains to show that isolation, solitude can be survived by people who are able to find satisfaction in creativity and he occasionally remembers to mention ordinary humans finding satisfaction in solitary pursuits like fishing and gardening. storr是煞費苦心，以證明孤立，孤獨，可以存活的人都能夠找到滿意的創意和他偶爾回憶，更遑論普通的人找到滿意的，在孤獨的追求一樣，漁業和園藝。 But gardening requires resources of garden space, is not easy in the modern world without a car to take you to a garden centre, while fishing requires at least the cost of a bus ride and of a rod, line and licence. 但園藝需要資源的園林空間，是不容易的，在現代世界無車帶您到花園的中心，而漁船至少需要成本，搭巴士和一棒，線和牌照。
Once we begin to relate mental health to the existence of manageable stimulation, personal autonomy and creativity while relating mental illness to deprivation and powerlessness (lack of autonomy) then big cracks begin to appear in the imposing facade of medical psychiatry. 一旦我們開始涉及心理健康所存在的易於管理的刺激，個人自主性和創造性的同時，有關精神病的剝奪和無力感（缺乏自主性） ，那麼大的裂痕開始出現在施加門面醫學精神病學。
Satisfaction in work and creativity - or when you are stifled at work.... 滿意度在工作和創造力-或者當你扼殺在工作. ...
If the stock in trade of therapists and psychiatrists concentrates largely on family and emotional relationships, rather than creativity and work, this is largely because there is, or is assumed to be, a common point of reference here which therapists share with their patients. 如果該股在貿易治療師和精神病醫生大多集中於家庭和情感關係，而不是創造力和工作，這主要是因為有爭論，但還是被假定為一個共同的參考點，在這裡治療師分享他們的病人。 We all share the experience of childhood, we all mostly have some kind of relationships. 我們都有共同的經驗，童年，我們都大都具有某種關係。 However the work we do, and the work settings, are however often very different. 但是我們所做的工作，工作量和工作環境中，但是往往非常不同。
Storr refers to the lives of well known artists, philosophers and scientists whose work he finds interesting. storr是指以生命的著名藝術家，哲學家和科學家們的工作，他覺得有趣。 He makes the reasonable assertion that these artists philosophers and scientists will have found satisfaction in their work. 他作出合理斷言這些藝術家哲學家和科學家已找到滿意的工作。 He does not explore the experience of people who are stifled in their work or those who can get no work. 他不探索經驗的人，扼殺了他們的工作或那些得不到工作。 He only mentions 'the hobbies and work' of ordinary people in passing. 他只提到'業餘愛好和工作'的普通百姓，都在及格。 Yet if creativity is so importance to psychiatric health then it follows that psychiatric pathology might arise out of work circumstances - a road Storr does not go down, preferring instead to concentrate on the world of those people who have been 'successful'. 但如果創造力是如此重視精神衛生，然後接著精神病病理可能出現失去工作的情況下-道s torr不下去，而更願意把注意力集中在世界的那些人被'成功' 。 If we do go down this road we might find psychiatric symptoms because the creativity of ordinary people might be stifled at work, that they might experience a lack of autonomy there. 如果我們真的走上這條路，我們可能會發現精神病症狀，因為創造力的老百姓可能被扼殺在工作時，他們可能會經歷一個缺乏自主性。 However that is an analysis that might involve difficult problems of upsetting employers and powerful vested interests. 不過這是一個分析，即可能涉及的困難問題鐓雇主和強大的既得利益。
In those rare occasions when research about humdrum work and mental ill health has been done the evidence supports the idea that what matters most of all is scope to use one's creativity and be autonomous in the labour process. 在這些罕見的情況下，當研究單調乏味的工作和心理健康欠佳已經做了證據支持的想法是什麼，最重要的是範圍，以利用人的創造力和自主性，在勞動過程中。 ( Kornhauser, "A Mental Health of the Industrial Worker: A Detroit Study" New York, Wiley 1965). （ kornhauser ， "心理健康的產業工人：底特律研究" ，紐約出版社1965年） 。 Unskilled machine paced repetitive work on the production line can be bad for your mental health. 非熟練工人機節奏的重複工作，對生產線可以損害你的精神健康。 Doing the same thing minute after minute, hour after hour, month after month, and year after year and having no authority to do otherwise can be experienced as a form of sensory deprivation whose only relief is in the relationships with work mates. 做同樣的事情，一分鐘後分鐘， 1小時後1小時，月复一月，年復一年，並沒有權力這樣做，否則可以經歷一種形式的感官剝奪，他們的唯一救濟是在人際關係與工作的伴侶。 Of course, if you have work mates you are not isolated, but if you are rejected by them, or you become at odds with others though your work, then psychiatric injury may indeed ensue. 當然，如果你有工作，交配，你是不是孤立的，但如果你拒絕他們，或者你變成對立與他人雖然你的工作，那麼精神科損傷確實可能接踵而至。
One of the crushing aspects of unemployment is enforced isolation. 其中的破碎方面的失業率是被強迫隔離。 Many people seek to divert themselves in the early period of unemployment by habitat creation - they renovate their houses. 許多人設法疏導自己的，在早期的失業期，由棲息地創作-他們整修自己的住宅。 Nest building or habitat creation is the form of expression of the creativity of many people but it is heavily dependent on skills, confidence and money. 築巢或棲息創造是表現形式的創意，很多人，但它在很大程度上取決於技能，有信心和金錢。 It is difficult to motivate oneself to these things without support and others. 這是很難去激勵自己，這些事情未經及其他支援服務。 If one is short of support, money, confidence and money then staying at home may be every bit as isolating as a prison cell. 如果是短期的支持，金錢，自信和金錢，然後留在家中，可能每一點作為孤立作為一個牢房。 Boredom is just another name for the onset of sensory deprivation. 解悶，只不過是另一種名稱為發病的感官剝奪。 Chronic boredom can lead to day dreaming and then to madness. 慢性解悶，可導致一天做夢，然後瘋了。 (I found this when I did community development work briefly in East Germany in 1996. Shortly after re-unification huge numbers of people were unemployed at home in neighbourhoods that had not been designed as anything else than dormitories with no community activities. Most previous leisure and communities activities had also been organised before by the work place and these too had collapsed. A great many people were in serious psychological difficulties because they were staying at home in their monotonous concrete bunker flats doing nothing with no sense of what their future might be - even though, at that time, their unemployment pay was quite generous quite a lot of people became very disturbed. Allotment gardening is a major passtime in East Germany and these gardens probably saved the sanity of many people...) （我發現這個時候我本來社區發展工作，簡單地在東部德國在1996年之後不久重新統一，大量的人失業在家，在居民區還沒有被設計成什麼都超過宿舍，沒有社區活動，大部分先前休閒和社區的活動也已舉辦前，由工作單位和這些太崩潰。偉大的，許多人在嚴重的心理困難，因為他們被留在國內，在其單調的混凝土掩體單位，什麼都不做，沒有責任感，對自己的前途也可能-儘管，在那個時候，他們的失業付出相當慷慨，有相當多的人成為非常不安。配售園藝是一個重大的p asstime在東德和這些花園大概救了，思維正常的，很多人. ..）
The imagination as a retreat from unhappiness 想像作為一個務虛會，由不快樂
Storr writes of the works of imagination created by authors" Various types of deprivation in early life may make it difficult for those who suffer them to achieve intimate attachments. But the development of an imaginary world can sometimes serve as a retreat from unhappiness, a compensation from loss, and a basis for later creative achievement" (p 107). storr寫的作品，想像創造的作家"中，各類型的剝奪，在早期生命可能使人們很難為那些受苦，以實現體內附著，但要發展成為一個假想的世界，有時可以充當自動退出，不快樂，賠償從損失的，有基礎的後來創作成果" （ 107 ） 。 My additional point to this would be to ask: what if the imaginary world is not written down but takes the form of day dreaming unattached to any action - might it also not form the basis for a psychiatric diagnosis? 我補充一點，這將是不禁要問：是什麼，如果虛構的世界，是不是寫了下來，但所採取的形式每天做夢獨立的任何行動-或許它也不可能形成一個基礎精神科診斷？ Isn't the difference mainly one about how far a person is able to write, how well they are able to martial their fantasies for an audience and in the process having a much more definite sense that they are fantasies. 是不是差別，主要是一個大約有多遠一個人能寫，又如何，以及他們能在戒嚴幻想，為觀眾在這個過程中有一個更為明確的意義上說，他們是幻想。 What is the difference between thinking in metaphors and writing poetry anyway? 區別是什麼思想在隱喻和寫作詩歌呢？ They both work by a choice of words which evoke emotionally associative thinking. 他們都工作，由一個選擇的話，這引起情緒上的聯想思維。
Storr quotes figures which show that very many writers have been given a diagnosis and feels the need to repeat the usual psychiatric shibboleth about the cause for this being in their genetic make up. storr行情的預測數字顯示，很多作家都被賦予了診斷，並且覺得有必要重申一貫的精神科shibboleth約事業，為這個正處於其遺傳彌補。 The evidence for this is claimed to be that so many of the relatives of these writers were also 'emotionally disturbed'. 搜尋證據，這是自稱為有這麼多的親人在這些作家也有'情緒上的困擾。 Why should this be evidence? 為什麼會這樣的證據嗎？ A large part of his book is about how young people can be damaged emotionally by emotionally damaged parents, other relatives and older siblings. 有很大一部分書是關於青少年如何能損壞情緒激動所損壞的父母，其他親屬和哥哥姐姐。 When this very same idea is turned into statistics it magically becomes evidence of the genetic inheritability of mental health problems. 當這非常相同的想法變成了統計，它神奇地成為證據的遺傳可繼承的心理健康問題。 (One wonders what Darwin would have said about these people whose genes disturbs their interpersonal functioning so profoundly. Surely in this very fact would be the reason the supposed "schizophrenic genetic make up" would die out - for in so far as it inhibits emotional relating surely it also inhibits sexual and reproductive bonding. While we can have no problem understanding how emotional disturbance might be recreated in parts of populations by the ebb and flow of human fortunes and tragedy and then passed across several generations it is a bit difficult to understand how the 'schizophrenic and manic depressive genes' didn't die out a long time ago.) （一奇觀什麼達爾文會說，對這些人的基因擾亂他們的人際運作，如此深刻的，當然在這方面其實很會之所以假定"精神分裂症遺傳彌補"
，死了-因為在目前為止，因為它抑制情緒有關當然，也抑制性與生殖
鍵的同時，我們可以有沒有問題，了解如何情緒不安可能重現，在部分
人群所歷經跌宕起伏的人類命運和悲劇，然後通過橫跨好幾代人，這是
有點困難，以了解如何'精神分裂症和狂躁抑鬱症的基因'沒有死一個
很久以前） 。
We should apply Occam's Razor to Storr's repeated
theoretical appeal to genetics. 我們要運用的Occam的剃
刀，以storr的一再理論呼籲遺傳學。 As Bertrand Russell
expressed the philosophical maxim of the 14th century
Franciscan William of Occam "If everything in some
science can be interpreted without assuming this or
that hypothetical entity there is no ground for
assuming it." 正如羅素表示，哲學格言的14世紀的方濟各的威廉
的Occam "如果一切順利，在一些科學可以解釋而不承擔這樣或那樣的
假設性的實體，是沒有理由假定它" 。 Storr provides a
perfectly adequate framework for explaining all the
symptoms of madness without recourse to genes and
there is no justification to reach for this
theoretical entity. storr提供了一個完美適當的框架，解釋所
有的症狀，瘋狂而不求助於基因，因此，沒有理由要達到這個理論實
體。
The real role of genetic theories is to legitimise
continued medical control of the responses to
madness. 真正的作用遺傳理論，是其合法性的繼續醫學控制該反應
瘋狂。 It avoids close questioning about the lives of
ordinary people. 它避免追問關於普通人的生活。 It enables
the dominant response to distress to be a
tranquilising one and holds in check social
criticism. 它使顯性反應困擾的是一個tranquilising之一，並持
有在檢查的社會批判。 Occam's ideas were part of a slow
process that helped separate philosophy from
theology. 的Occam的想法的一部分，是一個緩慢的過程，有助單獨
哲學從神學。 For centuries new ideas had to be
compatible with belief - which had to match the
interests of that most powerful of institutions- the
church. 幾百年的新思路，要與信仰-他們曾經以配合利益這一最強
大的機構-教會。 In our own age ideas about distress
must be made consistent with medical thinking because
medical thinking enables the power structures of
society to blame their victims. 在我們自己的時代觀念的困
擾，必須取得一致的，與醫療思路，因為醫學思維，使權力結構的社會
責任，他們的受害者。
Outcasts and outsiders 棄兒和外人
Creative thinkers, and this Storr does not dwell on,
may challenge received orthodoxies and are not only
isolated but outcast and persecuted for doing so. 創造
性的思想家，而這storr並不多，可能的挑戰，收到了正統，並不僅是
孤立的，但排斥和迫害，這樣做的。 Their emotional
disturbance may reflect their scapegoating. 他們在情緒
上的干擾，可反映其scapegoating 。 It is interesting in
this regard that the mental health services are no
more likely to be friendly than anyone else when it
comes to heretics. 有意思的是，在這方面，即精神健康服務，沒
有更可能成為友好比任何人，當談到異端。 People who are
desperately hurt at the break with their former
colleagues find that their hurt is used as evidence
of their own mental instability - which confirms how
often psychiatric symptoms, an expression of
powerlessness, are used as evidence to discredit and
invalidate their critically different view. 人拼命傷
害，在打破自己的前同事們發現自己的傷害是用來作為證據，他們自己
的心理不穩定-這印證了多久精神病症狀，表現出無力感，是用來作為
證據，以抹黑，並無礙於他們的批判性有不同的看法。
As Storr shows Jung struggled to retain his sanity
when he broke with Freudian orthodoxy. 作為storr表明戎
奮鬥，以保留自己的思維正常的時候，他打破了弗洛伊德的正統。
One has only to read the desperately hurt way in
which Alice Miller writes at the rejection of her
ideas, or the hysterical scapegoating of Laing and
Cooper by the psychiatric establishment. 只要經過拼命傷
害何種方式艾麗斯米勒寫道，在排斥她的想法，或歇斯底里的
scapegoating的萊恩和Cooper ，由精神科成立。
As Jeffrey Masson has argued in his book "Against
Therapy". 正如杰弗裡美晨辯稱，在他的著作" ，對治
療" 。 "When we read almost any modern autobiography,
we see that what was most painful was living in a
reality that others did not see or would not
acknowledge or did not care about." "當我們讀到幾乎任何
一個現代的自傳中，我們看到什麼是最痛苦的是生活在一個現實，就是
別人所沒有看到或不承認或不關心" 。 This makes it possible
that at least some of the reason that madness and
genius sometimes go together is not to do with
emotional damage from childhood but rejection by
one's peers. 這使得它有可能是，至少部分原因是瘋狂和天才有時
會在一起，是不是跟感情損害，從童年，但拒絕由一個人的同儕。
It might be because one is 'ahead of one's time' and
one might be ignored because one's ideas or works are
too threatening or frightening to an intellectual,
cultural, political or economic establishment. 可能是因
為一個是'前面的一個人的時間'和一個可能被忽視，因為一個人的想
法或作品太威脅或恐嚇，以一個知識分子，文化，政治或經濟的建
立。 Storr's heroes are mostly people who were not
only immensely creative but whose creativity was
recognised in their own lifetime. storr的英雄都是人，不
僅極大的創造性，但其創造性，是公認的在自己的有生之年。 Van
Gogh, for example, was not so lucky and a part of his
craziness may well have been because he was not so
lucky. 梵高，舉例來說，就沒有那麼好的運氣，以及他的部分瘋狂很
可能已經因為他沒有那麼好的運氣。 He went crazy, for the
first time when his hoped for relationship with
Gaugin broke down, at the same time that his brother
married - leaving him feeling very isolated and
alone. 他瘋了，這是第一次時，他所希望的關係是一流破裂時，在同
一時間內，他的哥哥結婚-離開他的感覺很孤立獨力承擔。
Storr's heroes are not all conformists, to be sure,
but they do not challenge the fundamentals of their
age - like Luther did for example, a man who not only
challenged the fundamental of catholic belief
but 'suffered' from what would today be described as
psychiatric symptons. storr的英雄，是不是所有的順從者，可
以肯定的，但他們並不挑戰基本面他們的年齡-像路德並舉例說，一名
男子，他們不僅挑戰了根本性的天主教信仰，但'遭受' ，從今天被形
容為精神病症狀。
Madness in life transition crises 瘋狂人生轉型危機
It is ironic that Store should give us perfectly
simple ways of understanding madness - or he would do
if he were to follow through. 具有諷刺意味的是商店應該給
我們非常簡單的方式了解瘋狂-或者，他將盡，如果他能夠貫徹始
終。
For example he writes (p35) "Suppose that I become
dissatisfied with my habitual self, or feel that
there are areas of experience or self understanding
which I cannot reach. One way of exploring these is
to remove myself from present surroundings and see
what emerges. This is not without its dangers. Any
form of new organisation or integration within the
mind has to be preceded by some degree of
disorganisation. No one can tell, until he has
experienced it, whether or not this necessary
disruption of former pattern will be succeeded by
something better". 例如他寫道（ p35基因） ， "假如我成為不
滿意我的習慣性自我，或覺得有哪些地方的經驗或自我認識，而我還不
能達成，其中一個方式來探討這些，是消除自己，從目前的環境，並看
看如何產生這也不是沒有危險。任何形式的新組織，或是結合經營心態
之前，必須進行某種程度的disorganisation ，沒有人可以告訴，
直到他已感受到這一點，這是否有必要中斷前的模式，將接任的東西更
好" 。
Indeed. 的確。 A more succinct description of how
madness might arise as a transitional crisis in life
could not be imagined. 一個更簡潔的描述如何瘋狂可能出現
的，作為一個過渡性的危機，在生活中無法想像的。 Sometimes
the new surroundings and new setting are not better.
有時候，新的環境和新的設定，是不是更好。
This is particularly where we fail to make an
adequate re-orientation to our new setting with its
new habits. 這是特別的地方，我們不能作出適當的重新定位，以我
們新的設置與它的新習慣。 If the attitude of everyone
around someone (in an institutionalising family, just
as in an institutionalising asylum) has always been
that they cannot be allowed near new environments and
new activities (because of the self fulfilling
prophecy of them not being adequate to cope), if
there is great resistance to their moves for change,
then the disorganisation (ie their inability to re-
orientate) - will be that much the greater. 如果態度周
圍每個人（在一個制度化的家庭，就像在一個制度化的庇護）一直表
示，他們不能讓附近的新的環境和新的活動（因為自我實現的預言，他
們沒有得到足夠應付）如果有很大的阻力，以自己的舉動改變，則
disorganisation （即無力再定位） -機會便會大為越大。
I suspect that to Storr the norm of life is
essentially comfortable. 我猜想，以storr常態的生活，基本
上是舒服。 He has an idea of an "ideally balanced
person who might be expected to find the meaning of
his life in interpersonal relationships and in his
interests". 他有一個想法的一個"理想的均衡的人，可能是預期找
到的意義，他的生活中的人際關係，並在他的個人利益" 。 Some
chaps, however, have a rather rough time on the
relationship front but that's OK because "mankind
would be infinitely the poorer if such men of genius
were unable to flourish, and we must therefore
consider that their traits of personality, as well as
their high intelligence, are biologically adaptive."
有些龜裂，不過，有一個相當粗糙時間對關係陣線但是那好，因為"人
類的將是無限的較窮的，如果這些男子的天才無法蓬勃發展，因此，我
們必須考慮他們的性狀的個性，以及其智能化程度高，是具有生物適應
性" 。
Psychotic mechanisms underlyng ordinary emotional
life 精神病機制underlyng普通情感生活
To a psychiatrist who believes in the genetic
shibboleths of his profesion there is presumably no
greater compliment than to be "biologically
adaptive". 一個精神科醫生，他們認為，在遺傳shibboleths他
profusion有想必沒有更大的補充，而不是被"生物適應性" 。
What on earth this means, however, is difficult to
say - after all how are socially isolated
people 'biologically adaptive' if they do not
reproduce? 有什麼鬼，這意味著，然而，目前很難斷言-畢竟，如何
在社會上孤立的人'生物適應性' ，如果他們不複製？
Perhaps, however, it is that the discontent of these
people move Western civilisation forward (or at least
move forward the conversations in Oxford common
rooms). 也許，然而，正是這種不滿的，這些人提出西方文明向前
（或者至少向前推進了交談，而在牛津，共同室） 。 For "It is
always the dissatisfied who triumph. Western man has
treated with appalling cruelty the aborigines of
Australia, the Indians of both North and South
America, the inhabitants of Africa and India, and
many other groups. But given the restless
inventiveness of the West, displacement of
traditional groups of men is probably inevitable,
even when segregation and extermination have not been
deliberately employed. Discontent, therefore, may be
considered adaptive because it encourages the use of
the imagination, and thus spurs men on to further
conquests and an ever increasing mastery of the
environment. " (p64).
"它永遠是不滿意的人的勝利。西方男子已治療駭人聽聞的殘酷原住
民澳大利亞，印度裔的兩個北美和南美，居民的非洲和印度，以及其他
許多團體，但由於躁動發明的西，流離失所的傳統團體的男子可能是不
可避免的，甚至當隔離和滅絕沒有故意僱用不滿，因此，可以考慮適應
性，因為它鼓勵運用想像力，因此，馬刺隊官兵，以進一步征服和一個
不斷增加的通達的環境。 " （ p64 ） 。
Empires, whether political, business or intellectual
are not made by conformists - they are made by those
colourful characters remembered by the Oxford
intellectuals with indulgence because, although they
are often such cads, indeed are not beyond a bit of
genocide, they spur us on to further conquests and
mastery of the enviornment...... 帝國，無論是政界，商界或
智力並非由順從者-他們都是由那些多姿多彩的性格懷念牛津知識分子
與放縱自己，因為雖然它們通常是這樣的沒有教養，也確實有其不超出
有點種族滅絕罪，他們促使我們對為了進一步征服和掌握環境......
Here we have it. 在這裡，我們有它。
In an age characterised by ecological destruction and
repeated genocides, Storr, who is also supposed to be
an authority on human destructiveness and violence,
holds up as an ideal being "spurred on to further
conquests and the mastery of nature". 在這樣一個時代的特
色，生態破壞和反复的種族滅絕， storr ，誰也應是一個權威對人體
的破壞性和暴力，擁有了作為一種理想"的帶動下，以進一步征服和掌
握的性質" 。 One of Storr's favourite words
in 'adaptive' and his association of 'adaptation'
with 'mastery' and 'conquests says a lot. 其中storr喜愛
的話，在'自適應'和他的協會的'適應'與'通達'和'征服說了很多。
To Storr it is "regrettable" but "inevitable" that
traditional societies have to give way
before "western society". 以storr這是"令人遺憾" ，但"不可
避免"的傳統社會都讓他之前的"西方社會" 。
Yet when he describes these societies as remaining
unchanged for centuries what he is writing about can
be expressed as a measure of a
cultures "sustainability" - which is just what our
western civilisation is not. 然而，當他形容，這些社團作為
不變的數百年來，他是在寫，可以表述為是衡量一個文化的"可持續發
展" -這正是我們的西方文明，是不是。 l, L時，
In a culture in which respected members of the
psychological and psychiaric establishment like Storr
uphold conquest and mastery as a matter of course it
is no surprise that we end up with psychiatrists like
Radovan Karaticz. 在一個文化中，尊重成員的心理和psychiaric
建立像storr堅持征服和掌握作為一個理所當然的，這是毫不奇怪，我
們結束了與精神科醫生想拉多萬karaticz 。 To the world of
Storr civilisation and the society he lives in are to
be accepted and hence the need for "adaption". 向世界的
storr文化和社會生活中都必須接受，因此有必要為"適應" 。 He
does concede there might be something ominous to be
found in the writings of Melanie Klein but does not
explore this in any great depth. 他的讓步或許會有某種不祥
被發現在著述梅蘭妮克萊因，但不探索這在任何偉大的深度。
Were he to do so he would start to recognise that if
the psychiatric establishment of a society take for
granted that conquest and incredible cruelty is to be
regretted, but is probably inevitable, then it is
hardly surprising that one will also found paranoia,
hostility and emotional disturbance as culturally
pervasive phenomenon.Indeed once one begins to look
at society in a more critical way madness and
pychological turmoil can come to be seen as a
structurally inevitable feature. 如果他這樣做，他會開始認
識到，如果精神科建立一個社會視為理所當然的認為，征服和令人難以
置信的殘酷性，是令人惋惜的，但可能是不可避免的，那是不足為奇的
人會還發現，偏執，敵對和情緒困擾，因為文化無孔不入
phenomenon.indeed一旦一開始看社會的一個更關鍵的方式瘋狂和
pychological風暴能來被看作是一個結構不可避免的特徵。
People are not going to be emotionally healthy
and 'in touch with their feelings', as therapists say
they would like them to be, when structures of social
authority so commonly want them to love and respect
their oppressors ('their betters'), to hold back
their anger (in front of their 'superiors'), to
ignore their fear (for the good of the regiment), to
choke back frustration and stress (in the interests
of productivity and competitiveness). 人民是不會受到感情
上的健康和'接觸到他們的感情' ，作為治療師說，他們希望他們來
的，當結構的社會權威，所以普遍希望他們的愛與尊重他們的壓迫者
（ '其更佳' ） ，以隱瞞自己的憤怒（當著其'上司' ） ，不理會他
們的恐懼（為了整個團） ，嗆回挫折和壓力（在利益的生產力和競爭
力） 。
Storr writes that Klein's "belief that 'psychotic'
mechanisms underlie and affect the emotional
attitudes of 'normal' people is convincing ..For
example it is only if we accept the existence of a
latent paranoid potential lurking in the recesses of
the normal mind that we can explain the mass
delusions which led to the persecution of witches and
the Nazi slaughter of the Jews". storr寫道：克萊恩的"信
仰'精神病'機制的理解，並影響情緒上的態度'正常'的人是有說服力
的..舉例來說，它只是，如果我們承認存在著一個潛在的偏執潛在隱
患，在休會的正常記我們可以解釋大規模的錯覺，而導致這場迫害的巫
婆和納粹屠殺的猶太人" 。 (pl00-101). （ pl00 - 101 ） 。
This latent paranoid potential does not come to be
there by accident. 這種潛在的偏執潛力不來放在那裡偶然的。
It is there when and after children come to
experience for the first time those authority
structures of civilisation that are later taken for
granted. 它的存在時，和孩子來的經驗，為第一次那些權力結構的
文明是後來採取的是理所當然的事。 The paranoid/psychotic
phase is the phase when vulnerable infants learn to
their horror and terror that, to the
normal 'civilised mind' 'adaptive' means to be bent
on 'conquest' and 'mastery'. 偏執/精神病階段是相當脆弱的
嬰幼兒學習，以他們的震驚和恐怖的是，以正常的'文明記' ， '適應
性'就是要一意孤行， '征服'和'通達' 。
In her book "The Continuum Concept" (Penguin, 1986)
Jean Liedloff, who lived with Stone Age Indians in
the Venezuelan Rain Forest provides compelling
evidence that the absence of strong authority
structures, the gentler and more responsive forms of
child rearing, the community organisation which
allows for personal autonomy does not include those
elements. 在她的著作"連續體概念" （企鵝， 1986年）讓李洛
夫，住與石器時代的印第安人在委內瑞拉雨林提供了令人信服的證據表
明，缺乏強有力的權力結構，比較溫和的，更負責任的形式，育兒，社
會組織讓個人自主性，不包括這些內容。 Relations between
people are regulated to pleasure and to minimise
tension. 人與人之間的關係是受管制的樂趣，並減少緊張局勢。
Such communities are also adapted to their
environment. 這樣的社區還適應自己的環境。 Actually the
society Storr describes is not 'adaptive' - we have
an environmental crisis precisely because it is
exploitative and oppressive, precisely because of
those ordinary attitudes displayed by Storr. 其實社會
storr描述，是不是'自適應' -我們有一個環境危機，也正因為它的
剝削和壓迫，正因為有了這些平凡的態度表現出來s torr。 A Hopi
Indian once told Jung that white people were mad
because they thought with their heads and not with
their hearts. 1 hopi印度曾告訴榮說，白人瘋狂，因為他們認為
與他們的元首，並沒有與他們的心坎上。 If you think with
your head you mental framework is one of calculation
and you ignore the common feelings that you share
with other people. 如果你認為你的頭，你的心理架構是一個計算
的，你不理共同的感受，你跟其他人。
It is the mind-set of those bent on the accumulation
of wealth and power at the expense of other people. 這
是思維定勢的那些一心積累的財富和權力而不惜犧牲其他人的。
Looked at in historical perspective this mind-set
could destroy humanity. 看歷史的角度來看這個思維定勢可以摧
毀人類。 It is served by technologies of fuel based
power generation, large scale production, transport,
communications and weaponry which together make it
possible for those in economic and political power
centres to separate themselves from the negative
experiences and costs of their actions. 它是通過技術的燃
料發電，大規模生產，運輸，通信和武器裝備，兩者有可能使那些在經
濟和政治權力的中心，以獨立的自我，從正反兩方面的經驗和成本，其
行動的後果。 These negative effects are felt by other
people in other places (unemployment, impoverishment,
pollution, desertification etc). 這些負面效應浮現，由其他
人在其他地方（失業，貧窮，污染，荒漠化等） 。
This is pushing our ordinary world towards ecological
disaster. 這是推動我國平凡的世界邁向生態災難。 To live in
an age and society characterised by mass paranoias
(patriotism, racism, sexism, mentalism etc) when we
have the technology of nuclear weapons is very
alarming. 生活在這樣一個時代和社會的特點是大規模paranoias
（愛國主義，種族主義，性別主義， mentalism等）的時候，我們有
技術，核武器是非常驚人。 Many people who have mental
health problems are terrified, during their
insanities, of these issues and can see quite clearly
the trends to social disintegration. 很多人的心理健康問
題是嚇壞了，在他們的insanities ，這些問題，並可以看到很明顯
的趨勢，向社會解體。 It is quite wrong to see their
terror viewpoint as inappropriate and it is wrong to
consider their madness is somehow a deviation from a
norm of ordinariness, happiness and mass mental
health. 這是非常錯誤的，看看他們的恐怖觀點，是不恰當的，這是
錯誤的認為他們瘋了，有點偏離常態的平凡，幸福和群眾的心理健
康。 The mad person who proclaims that the whole
world is insane, is, unfortunately, largely correct.
瘋狂的人宣布說，整個世界是非常不明智的，不幸的是，在很大程度上
是正確的。
A thinking person can only recover their mental
health in the process of changing society. 一種思維的人
只能收回自己的心理健康，在過程中不斷變化的社會。 A strategy
for mental health is a strategy for society. 一項戰略，
為心理健康是一種戰略，為社會。
Brian Davey 布賴恩沛康
June 1995 1995年6月
Afterword. 後記。 I sent a copy of this to Anthony
Storr who replied saying he agreed with many of the
points that had made but, without going into any
detail, expressing his scepticism of Jean Liedloff's
work about Yeaquana Indians. 我派的副本，這是安東尼storr
人回答說，他同意許多要點已經作出，但沒有進入任何細節，他表示持
懷疑態度，讓李洛夫的工作，約yeaquana印度人。
1988, 知英文化出版 Anthony Storr （安東尼‧史脫）的
Solitude 《孤獨：一個對自我的重返》 這本書是中國時報1995 十
大好書。
Anthony Storr 他是英國皇家精神醫學會、文學學會、醫師學會院
士，牛津格林學院榮譽院士。
Anthony Storr (18 May 1920–17 March 2001) was an
English psychiatrist and author. Born in London, he
was a child who was to endure the typical trauma of
early 20th century boarding schools. He was educated
at Winchester, Christ's College, the University of
Cambridge and Westminster Hospital. He qualified as a
doctor in 1944, and subsequently specialized in
psychiatry.
Storr grew up to be kind and insightful, yet, as his
obituary states, he was "no stranger to suffering"
and was himself allegedly prone to the frequent bouts
of depression his mother had.
Today, Anthony Storr is known for his
psychoanalytical portraits of historical figures